By Sofia Wiking
Protests continue across Turkey one month after the arrest of Ekrem İmamoğlu – mayor of Istanbul and leading opposition politician. Leaders of İmamoğlu’s party, the Republican People’s Party (CHP), are trying to maintain control of a nationwide movement which was triggered by the arrest, but are also about wider concerns around the attacks on democracy and general dissatisfaction with President Erdoğan and his Justice and Development Party (AKP).
Erdoğan emboldened
The arrest is the latest in a long sequence of restrictions of democratic rights. Since 2011, the AKP has been implementing restrictions on freedom of speech, freedom of the press, internet use, and the right to free assembly.
It is likely Erdoğan felt emboldened in taking this latest step by the strengthening of his position internationally: Trump (cut from the same strongman cloth as himself) recently praised him as a “good leader”. In the Middle East, the fall of the Assad regime has strengthened Erdogan’s position greatly.
In Europe, governments are desperate for his favour in the face of an increasingly uncertain military relationship with the US (Turkey is the second largest military in NATO).
Slogans used by protestors include “İmamoğlu, you are not alone!”, “Erdoğan, dictator!” and are clearly linked to the CHP, who called the initial protests, and who have widespread support by virtue of being the opposition to Erdoğan’s AKP. But the movement has grown to be much more general, with democratic demands beyond just the release of İmamoğlu, and calls for an end to the cost of living crisis.
While the protests have included people from all ages and demographics, university students have been at the forefront. Many of them have not known anything but AKP rule, and for many Erdoğan’s government is identified with oppression, economic inequality and despair about the future which are driving many young people to leave the country.
There is also skepticism about the role of the CHP, with student representatives stating that they are fighting for fundamental freedoms and radical change in Turkey, not just a change in government.
CHP credibility is further undermined by its credentials as a capitalist party and record of attempting to defuse and suppress popular movements. Currently their call for boycotts of brands associated with the AKP, instead of encouraging protests, can be seen as just such an attempt at demobilising a movement they are afraid of getting out of control.
Alternative policies
Authoritarian clampdowns are generally a sign of weakness, and while Erdoğan felt emboldened to carry out the arrest due to the international situation, the protests have the power to defeat him. The question is what alternative is presented.
The CHP may put forward a pro-democracy face, but they do not present any alternatives to the crisis which the Turkish people are facing in their everyday lives. They are an out and out capitalist and nationalist party, who have a long and storied history of intense repression and genocide against national minorities such as Kurds and Armenians. To this day, the CHP repeats the myth that the Kurds do not constitute a distinct nation.
A real, democratic and pro-working class alternative could be developed between protestors and the trade unions, who have so far not played a part – to develop a cohesive programme with clear demands and a strategy to develop the movement beyond protests – such as calling for a general strike. Such an alternative would also need to stand for the right to self-determination for the Kurdish people, including an independent socialist Kurdistan in a socialist Middle East.
With such a strategy, more than just a defeat of Erdoğan could be achieved. As we plunge deeper into a period of global capitalist crisis and militarisation, a victory for the movement would be an immense step for the working class in Turkey, but could also set an inspiring example for workers in other countries.
